Burnham softens his tone on Trump, and puts AI at the centre of his UN agenda
On the flight to New York, a relaxed Andy Burnham, jeans, suit jacket and a blue Joseph’s Goal wristband, spent almost 40 minutes talking informally with journalists. The light moment mattered because it came before a busy diplomatic run: a planned meeting with Donald Trump, bilateral talks with Ursula von der Leyen and Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and a UN speech Burnham intends to use to push AI up the international agenda.
Burnham has been outspoken about Trump in the past. As mayor of Greater Manchester in 2017 he said he would not meet Trump “as a matter of principle” because of the “hateful, extremist material” Trump posted online. After the 6 January 2021 Capitol attack he said: “Any UK politician who gave Trump the time of day should be ashamed right now.” More recently he accused Trump of bringing “instability to the world.”
On the plane he deliberately shifted tone. “Politicians say things throughout their career, but now the important thing is to focus on the moment you are in, ” he told reporters, adding that in his first phone call he reminded the former president that “Manchester isn’t ‘some town’. I said ‘this is Manchester’.”
“Politicians say things throughout their career, but now the important thing is to focus on the moment you are in, and I did say to the president in our first phone call, I said Mr President, Manchester isn’t ‘some town’. I said ‘this is Manchester’.”
When asked whether he trusted Trump personally, Burnham replied simply: “Yes.” He set that answer in a broader context: “When you come into this job, you realise how deep this relationship is. We trust our allies. Of course, we do.”
AI sits alongside Ukraine and Middle East security
Downing Street has put AI, Ukraine and Middle East security at the top of Burnham’s New York agenda. According to a No 10 press release, the prime minister “is expected to use the visit to drive forward global work on AI, both to ensure it is being used as a force for good and to maximise opportunities to use the technology to deliver safety and security for people at home.”
The same briefing says Burnham will announce “work between the UK and US on a new AI and Autonomy partnership, ” and names the UK’s Ministry of Defence Rapid AI Delivery Taskforce and the US Department of Defense’s Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office (CDAO) as collaborators.
Kanishka Narayan, the minister for AI, recorded a short video on the plane and said the trip “shows that AI is now ‘top of the international agenda’.” His message to industry was direct: “take risks seriously.”
Where the UK diverged from a Finnish‑led safety push
Days before leaders gathered, a Finnish‑led “Call for Control of Frontier AI Models” (dated 21/9) urged compulsory pre‑release testing of the most capable frontier AI systems (foundation models). Sam Coates reported the initiative had the backing of Australia, Canada, Germany, the EU, Bahrain and Singapore.
“This Finnish initiative, pushing compulsory testing of Frontier AI models before release, has the backing of the leaders of Australia, Canada, Germany, the EU, Bahrain and Singapore. … But Andy Burnham has not signed, and appears at the UN general assembly today to be taking a different – arguably weaker – path. … And there’s no mention of Britain backing compulsory pre-release testing of AI, unlike the other countries. The language in the press release is much more watery: he wants to ensure AI is used ‘for good’ but avoids specifics.”, Sam Coates (tweet)
Reporting indicates the UK did not sign the Finnish call. That matters because mandatory pre‑release testing is a specific, enforceable proposal favoured by many researchers and civil‑society groups. By contrast, the Downing Street framing stresses a UK, US partnership aimed at protecting critical national infrastructure, sea lanes, airspace and similar domains, and at close operational collaboration with Washington.
Labour MP Darren Jones, tweeting in support of the Finnish push, urged the government to sign and to broker agreement with the US. He noted the UK’s claimed “special access” to American AI models through what he called the AI Security Institute:
“It’s great to see @alexstubb providing this leadership and bringing other countries together to call for pre-deployment testing. The list of signatories to the ‘Call for Control of Frontier AI Models’ are the United Kingdom’s natural allies. The UK has special access to American AI models through the AI Security Institute, which is partly why the UK Government will want to remain in lock step with the United States. But I don’t see any reason why the UK can’t sign up to the Finnish proposal. I encourage our government to do so and to offer to broker agreement on its application with the United States.”, Darren Jones
Practical implications for business and government buyers
How the UK frames its AI commitments will shape procurement, regulation and market access. Three practical stakes for executives and public leaders:
- Procurement and defence opportunities: a partnership that emphasises defence and critical‑infrastructure protection will accelerate public‑private work in areas such as maritime domain awareness, airspace monitoring and autonomous logistics. Expect faster procurement cycles and more MoD‑led AI pilots with industry partners via the Rapid AI Delivery Taskforce.
- Regulatory divergence and market friction: if the UK resists compulsory pre‑release testing while some allies adopt stricter rules, companies could face divergent compliance regimes and export‑control complexities when selling models or systems across jurisdictions.
- Standards and governance signals: the partnership’s scope, whether it includes transparency, third‑party testing or harmonised safety protocols, will determine whether businesses need to build for new audit trails, explainability requirements or cross‑border testing frameworks.
Close alignment with the US offers access to capability and markets. The trade-off is that softer international language on testing could leave UK regulators and firms without common, enforceable standards for frontier systems.
Domestic and geopolitical crosswinds
Burnham’s itinerary also carries thorny political choices. No 10 confirmed the UK will provide defensive air‑to‑air refuelling to Saudi Arabia after a formal request; Burnham said, “We have received a request from Saudi Arabia for military support and … I agreed to that request for defensive air-to-air refuelling.” That decision will draw scrutiny from campaigners, the Campaign Against Arms Trade and the Transition Security Project estimate a windfall tax on two major British arms companies could raise up to £3.9bn, and argue that matched state funds could create a £7.8bn reparations pot to address humanitarian needs in Yemen.
At home, economic pressure remains a live issue. The Financial Times reported that “British homeowners are paying an average of £840 a year more when they refinance their mortgages, ” citing Bank of England data that around 1m households have rolled off fixed‑rate deals since February and are paying between £50 and £70 a month more than before recent regional tensions in the Middle East. Those dynamics mean domestic politics will condition how any foreign‑policy or defence moves land with voters and with business leaders alike.
The lighter, human notes on the flight, and the Plane Huddle anecdote captured by Politico/London Playbook, matter because they shape public perception. Burnham joked about Danny Dyer and spent 38 minutes chatting with the lobby pack. But perception will pivot to substance once the meetings produce statements, MOUs or technical roadmaps.
Key questions, and short answers
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Will the UK sign the Finnish “Call for Control of Frontier AI Models” (compulsory pre‑release testing)?
Reporting from Sam Coates indicates the UK did not sign the Finnish initiative dated 21/9, and No 10’s press lines avoid committing to compulsory pre‑release testing.
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What will the announced UK, US “AI and Autonomy partnership” actually cover?
No 10 says it will help protect critical national infrastructure and involves the Ministry of Defence’s Rapid AI Delivery Taskforce and the US Department of Defense’s Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office, but the press briefing did not publish detailed governance, testing or oversight terms.
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Does the UK already have special access to US AI models?
Darren Jones says the UK has “special access” through the AI Security Institute; that claim is cited by MPs and commentators but the legal and technical terms of that access are not set out in the No 10 briefing.
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Will Burnham’s meeting with Trump be symbolic or policy‑making?
Primarily a high‑profile diplomatic signal given Burnham’s past criticisms, but the meeting sits alongside security and AI work where concrete joint statements or cooperative steps could follow, watch for any joint communiqués or MoUs.
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How will the Saudi defensive refuelling decision play domestically?
Expect debate and scrutiny. The UK confirmed it will provide defensive air‑to‑air refuelling after a Saudi request; campaigners have proposed windfall taxes and reparations tied to arms sales, which will shape political pressure and media attention.
Burnham’s UN run is a test of balance: deepen technical and security ties with the United States while answering international calls for firmer AI safety rules and absorbing domestic scrutiny on defence and the economy. For business leaders the key is to watch commitments for detail, the words matter, but the partnering agreements, procurement pipelines and any testing protocols that follow will determine where investment, compliance and competitive advantage actually land.